Mathematics, psychology, decisions

I attended a conference on the mathematics of finance last week. It seems that things would have gone better in 2007/8 if only policy makers had employed some mathematicians to critique the then dominant dogmas. But I am not so sure. I think one would need to understand why people went along with the dogmas. Psychology, such as behavioural economics, doesn’t seem to help much, since although it challenges some aspects of the dogmas it fails to challenge (and perhaps even promotes) other aspects, so that it is not at all clear how it could have helped.

Here I speculate on an answer.

Finance and economics are either empirical subjects or they are quasi-religious, based on dogmas. The problems seem to arise when they are the latter but we mistake them for the former. If they are empirical then they have models whose justification is based on evidence.

Naïve inductivism boils down to the view that whatever has always (never) been the case will continue always (never) to be the case. Logically it is untenable, because one often gets clashes, where two different applications of naïve induction are incompatible. But pragmatically, it is attractive.

According to naïve inductivism we might suppose that if the evidence has always fitted the models, then actions based on the supposition that they will continue to do so will be justified. (Hence, ‘it is rational to act as if the model is true’). But for something as complex as an economy the models are necessarily incomplete, so that one can only say that the evidence fitted the models within the context as it was at the time. Thus all that naïve inductivism could tell you is that ‘it is rational’ to act as if the  model is true, unless and until the context should change. But many of the papers at the mathematics of finance conference were pointing out specific cases in which the actions ‘obviously’ changed the context, so that naïve inductivism should not have been applied.

It seems to me that one could take a number of attitudes:

  1. It is always rational to act on naïve inductivism.
  2. It is always rational to act on naïve inductivism, unless there is some clear reason why not.
  3. It is always rational to act on naïve inductivism, as long as one has made a reasonable effort to rule out any contra-indications (e.g., by considering ‘the whole’).
  4. It is only reasonable to act on naïve inductivism when one has ruled out any possible changes to the context, particularly reactions to our actions, by considering an adequate experience base.

In addition, one might regard the models as conditionally valid, and hedge accordingly. (‘Unless and until there is a reaction’.) Current psychology seems to suppose (1) and hence has little to help us understand why people tend to lean too strongly on naïve inductivism. It may be that a belief in (1) is not really psychological, but simply a consequence of education (i.e., cultural).

See Also

Russell’s Human Knowledge. My media for the conference.

Dave Marsay

Intelligence-led: Intelligent?

In the UK, after various scandals in the 90s, it seemed that horizon scanning for potential problems, such as the BSE crisis, ought to be more intelligent and even ‘intelligence-led’ or ‘evidence-led’ as against being prejudice or spin-led. Listening to ministerial pronouncements on the horse-meat scandal I wonder if  the current so-called ’intelligence-led’ approach is actually intelligent.

Suppose that the house next door becomes a refuge for drug-addicts. Which of the following are intelligent? Intelligence-led?

  1. Wait until there is a significant increase in crime locally – or until you get burgled – and then up-rate your security.
  2. Review security straight away.

In case you hadn’t guessed, this relates to my blog, and the question of what you mean by ‘information’ and ‘evidence’.

Does anyone have a definition of what is meant by ‘intelligence-led’ in this context?

Dave Marsay

P.S. I have some more puzzles on uncertainty.

 

Coin toss puzzle

This is intended as a counter-example to the view, such as Savage’s, that uncertainty can, in practice, be treated as numeric probability.

You have a coin that you know is fair. A known trickster (me?) shows you what looks like an ordinary coin and offers you a choice of the following bets:

  1. You both toss your own coins. You win if they match, otherwise they win.
  2. They toss their coin while you call ‘heads’ or ‘tails’.

Do you have any preference between the two bets? Why? And …

In each case, what is the probability that their coin will come up heads?

Dave Marsay

Clarification

In (1) suppose that you can arrange things so that the trickster cannot tell how your coin will land in time to influence their coin, so that the probability of a match is definitely 0.5, with no uncertainty. The situation in (2) can be similar, except that your call replaces the toss of a fair coin.

See Also

Other uncertainty puzzles .

Risks to scientists from mis-predictions

The recent conviction of six seismologists and a public official for reassuring the public about the risk of an earthquake when there turned out to be one raises many issues, mostly legal, but I want to focus on the scientific aspects, specifically the assessment and communication of uncertainty.

A recent paper by O’Hagan  notes that there is “wide recognition that the appropriate representation for expert judgements of uncertainty is as a probability distribution for the unknown quantity of interest …”.  This conflicts with UK best practice, as described by Spiegelhalter at understanding uncertainty. My own views have been formed by experience of potential and actual crises where evaluation of uncertainty played a key role.

From a mathematical perspective, probability theory is a well-grounded theory depending on certain axioms. There are plausible arguments that these axioms are often satisfied, but these arguments are empirical and hence should be considered at best as scientific rather than mathematical or ‘universally true’.  O’Hagan’s arguments, for example, start from the assumption that uncertainty is nothing but a number, ignoring Spiegelhalter’s ‘Knightian uncertainty‘.

Thus, it seems to me, that where there are rare critical decisions with a lack of evidence to support a belief in the axioms, one should recognize the attendant non-probabilistic uncertainty, and that failure to do so is a serious error, meriting some censure. In practice, one needs relevant guidance such as the UK is developing, interpreted for specific areas such as seismology. This should provide both guidance (such as that at understanding uncertainty) to scientists and material to be used in communicating risk to the public, preferably with some legal status. But what should such guidance be? Spiegelhalter’s is a good start, but needs developing.

My own view is that one should have standard techniques that can put reasonable bounds on probabilities, so that one has something that is relatively well peer-reviewed, ‘authorised’ and ‘scientific’ to inform critical decisions. But in applying any methods one should recognize any assumptions that have been made to support the use of those methods, and highlight them. Thus one may say that according to the usual methods, ‘the probability is p’, but that there are various named factors that lead you to suppose that the ‘true risk’ may be significantly higher (or lower). But is this enough?

Some involved in crisis management have noted that scientists generally seem to underestimate risk. If so, then even the above approach (and the similar approach of understanding uncertainty) could tend to understate risk. So do scientists tend to understate the risks pertaining to crises, and why?

It seems to me that one cannot be definitive about this, since there are, from a statistical perspective – thankfully – very few crises or even near-crises. But my impression is that could be something in it. Why?

As at Aquila, human and organisational factors seem to play a role, so that some answers seem to need more justification that others. Any ‘standard techniques’ would need take account of these tendancies. For example, I have often said that the key to good advice is to have a good customer, who desires an adequate answer – whatever it is – who fully appreciates the dangers of misunderstanding arising, and is prepared to invest the time in ensuring adequate communication. This often requires debate and perhaps role-playing, prior to any crisis. This was not achieved at Aquila. But is even this enough?

Here I speculate even more. In my own work, it seems to me that where a quantity such as P(A|B) is required and scientists/statisticians only have a good estimate of P(A|B’) for some B’ that is more general than B, then P(A|B’) will be taken as ‘the scientific’ estimate for P(A|B). This is so common that it seems to be a ‘rule of pragmatic inference’, albeit one that seems to be unsupported by the kind of arguments that O’Hagan supports. My own experience is that it can seriously underestimate P(A|B).

The facts of the Aquila case are not clear to me, but I suppose that the scientists made their assessment based on the best available scientific data. To put it another way, they would not have taken account of ad-hoc observations, such as amateur observations of radon gas fluctuations. Part of the Aquila problem seems to be that the amateur observations provided a warning which the population were led to discount on the basis of ‘scientific’ analysis. More generally, in a crisis, one often has a conflict between a scientific analysis based on sound data and non-scientific views verging on divination. How should these diverse views inform the overall assessment?

In most cases one can make a reasonable scientific analysis based on sound data and ‘authorised assumptions’, taking account of recognized factors. I think that one should always strive to do so, and to communicate the results. But if that is all that one does then one is inevitably ignoring the particulars of the case, which may substantially increase the risk. One may also want to take a broader decision-theoretic view. For example, if the peaks in radon gas levels were unusual then taking them as a portent might be prudent, even in the absence of any relevant theory. The only reason for not doing so would be if the underlying mechanisms were well understood and the gas levels were known to be simply consequent on the scientific data, thus providing no additional information. Such an approach is particularly indicated where – as I think is the case in seismology – even the best scientific analysis has a poor track record.

The bottom line, then, is that I think that one should always provide ‘the best scientific analysis’ in the sense of an analysis that gives a numeric probability (or probability range etc) but one needs to establish a best practice that takes a broader view of the issue in question, and in particular the limitations and potential biases of ‘best practice’.

The O’Hagan paper quoted at the start says – of conventional probability theory – that  ”Alternative, but similarly compelling, axiomatic or rational arguments do not appear to have been advanced for other ways of representing uncertainty.” This overlooks Boole, Keynes , Russell and Good, for example. It may be timely to reconsider the adequacy of the conventional assumptions. It might also be that ‘best scientific practice’ needs to be adapted to cope with messy real-world situations. Aquila was not a laboratory.

See Also

My notes on uncertainty and on current debates.

Dave Marsay

Haldane’s The dog and the Frisbee

Andrew Haldane The dog and the Frisbee

Haldane argues in favour of simplified regulation. I find the conclusions reasonable, but have some quibbles about the details of the argument. My own view is that much of our financial problems have been due – at least in part – to a misrepresentation of the associated mathematics, and so I am keen to ensure that we avoid similar misunderstandings in the future. I see this as a primary responsibility of ‘regulators’, viewed in the round.

The paper starts with a variation of Ashby’s ball-catching observation, involving dog and a Frisbee instead of a man and a ball: you don’t need to estimate the position of the Frisbee or be an expert in aerodynamics: a simple, natural, heuristic will do. He applies this analogy to financial regulation, but it is somewhat flawed. When catching a Frisbee one relies on the Frisbee behaving normally, but in financial regulation one is concerned with what had seemed to be abnormal, such as the crisis period of 2007/8.

It is noted of Game theory that

John von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern established that optimal decision-making involved probabilistically-weighting all possible future outcomes.

In apparent contrast

Many of the dominant figures in 20th century economics – from Keynes to Hayek, from Simon to Friedman – placed imperfections in information and knowledge centre-stage. Uncertainty was for them the normal state of decision-making affairs.

“It is not what we know, but what we do not know which we must always address, to avoid major failures, catastrophes and panics.”

The Game Theory thinking is characterised as ignoring the possibility of uncertainty, which – from a mathematical point of view – seems an absurd misreading. Theories can only ever have conditional conclusions: any unconditional misinterpretation goes beyond the proper bounds. The paper – rightly – rejects the conclusions of two-player zero-sum static game theory. But its critique of such a theory is much less thorough than von Neumann and Morgenstern’s own (e.g. their 4.3.3) and fails to identify which conditions are violated by economics. More worryingly, it seems to invite the reader to accept them, as here:

The choice of optimal decision-making strategy depends importantly on the degree of uncertainty about the environment – in statistical terms, model uncertainty. A key factor determining that uncertainty is the length of the sample over which the model is estimated. Other things equal, the smaller the sample, the greater the model uncertainty and the better the performance of simple, heuristic strategies.

This seems to suggest that – contra game theory – we could ‘in principle’ establish a sound model, if only we had enough data. Yet:

Einstein wrote that: “The problems that exist in the world today cannot be solved by the level of thinking that created them”.

There seems a non-sequitur here: if new thinking is repeatedly being applied then surely the nature of the system will continually be changing? Or is it proposed that the ‘new thinking’ will yield a final solution, eliminating uncertainty? If it is the case that ‘new thinking’ is repeatedly being applied then the regularity conditions of basic game theory (e.g. at 4.6.3 and 11.1.1) are not met (as discussed at 2.2.3). It is certainly not an unconditional conclusion that the methods of game theory apply to economies beyond the short-run, and experience would seem to show that such an assumption would be false.

The paper recommends the use of heuristics, by which it presumably means what Gigernezer means: methods that ignore some of the data. Thus, for example, all formal methods are heuristics since they ignore intuition.  But a dog catching a Frisbeee only has its own experience, which it is using, and so presumably – by this definition – is not actually using a heuristic either. In 2006 most financial and economics methods were heuristics in the sense that they ignored the lessons identified by von Neumann and Morgenstern. Gigerenzer’s definition seems hardly helpful. The dictionary definition relates to learning on one’s own, ignoring others. The economic problem, it seems to me, was of paying too much atention to the wrong people, and too little to those such as von Neumann and Morgenstern – and Keynes.   

The implication of the paper and Gigerenzer is, I think, that a heuristic is a set method that is used, rather than solving a problem from first principles. This is clearly a good idea, provided that the method incorporates a check that whatever principles that it relies upon do in fact hold in the case at hand. (This is what economists have often neglecte to do.) If set methods are used as meta-heuristics to identify the appropriate heuristics for particular cases, then one has something like recognition-primed decision-making. It could be argued that the financial community had such meta-heuristics, which led to the crash: the adoption of heuristics as such seems not to be a solution. Instead one needs to appreciate what kind of heuristic are appropriate when. Game theory shows us that the probabilistic heuristics are ill-founded when there is significant innovation, as there was both prior, through and immediately after 2007/8. In so far as economics and finance are games, some events are game-changers. The problem is not the proper application of mathematical game theory, but the ‘pragmatic’ application of a simplistic version: playing the game as it appears to be unless and until it changes. An unstated possible deduction from the paper is surely that such ‘pragmatic’ approaches are inadequate. For mutable games, strategy needs to take place at a higher level than it does for fixed games: it is not just that different strategies are required, but that ‘strategy’ has a different meaning: it should at least recognize the possibility of a change to a seemingly established status quo.

If we take an analogy with a dog and a Frisbee, and consider Frisbee catching to be a statistically regular problem, then the conditions of simple game theory may be met, and it is also possible to establish statistically that a heuristic (method) is adequate. But if there is innovation in the situation then we cannot rely on any simplistic theory or on any learnt methods. Instead we need a more principled approach, such as that of Keynes or Ashby,  considering the conditionality and looking out for potential game-changers. The key is not just simpler regulation, but regulation that is less reliant on conditions that we expect to hold but for which, on maturer reflection, are not totally reliable. In practice this may necessitate a mature on-going debate to adjust the regime to potential game-changers as they emerge.

See Also

Ariel Rubinstein opines that:

classical game theory deals with situations where people are fully rational.

Yet von Neumann and Morgenstern (4.1.2) note that:

the rules of rational behaviour must provide definitely for the possibility of irrational conduct on the part of others.

Indeed, in a paradigmatic zero-sum two person game, if the other person players rationally (according to game theory) then your expected return is the same irrespective of how you play. Thus it is of the essence that you consider potential non-rational plays. I take it, then, that game theory as reflected in economics is a very simplified – indeed an over-simplified – version. It is presumably this distorted version that Haldane’s criticism’s properly apply to.

Dave Marsay

Haldane’s Tails of the Unexpected

A. Haldane, B. Nelson Tails of the unexpected,  The Credit Crisis Five Years On: Unpacking the Crisis conference, University of Edinburgh Business School, 8-9 June 2012

The credit crisis is blamed on a simplistic belief in ‘the Normal Distribution’ and its ‘thin tails’, understating risk. Complexity and chaos theories point to greater risks, as does the work of Taleb.

Modern weather forecasting is pointed to as good relevant practice, where one can spot trouble brewing. Robust and resilient regulatory mechanisms need to be employed. It is no good relying on statistics like VaR (Value at Risk) that assume a normal distribution. The Bank of England is developing an approach based on these ideas.

Comment

Risk arises when the statistical distribution of the future can be calculated or is known. Uncertainty arises when this distribution is incalculable, perhaps unknown.

While the paper acknowledges Keynes’ economics and Knightian uncertainty, it overlooks Keynes’ Treatise on Probability, which underpins his economics.

Much of modern econometric theory is … underpinned by the assumption of randomness in variables and estimated error terms.

Keynes was critical of this assumption, and of this model:

Economics … shift[ed] from models of Classical determinism to statistical laws. … Evgeny Slutsky (1927) and Ragnar Frisch (1933) … divided the dynamics of the economy into two elements: an irregular random element or impulse and a regular systematic element or propagation mechanism. This impulse/propagation paradigm remains the centrepiece of macro-economics to this day.

Keynes pointed out that such assumptions could only be validated empirically and (as the current paper also does) in the Treatise he cited Lexis’s falsification.

The paper cites a game of paper/scissors/stone which Sotheby’s thought was a simple game of chance but which Christie’s saw  as an opportunity for strategizing – and won millions of dollars. Apparently Christie’s consulted some 11 year old girls, but they might equally well have been familiar with Shannon‘s machine for defeating strategy-impaired humans. With this in mind, it is not clear why the paper characterises uncertainty a merly being about unknown probability distributions, as distinct from Keynes’ more radical position, that there is no such distribution. 

The paper is critical of nerds, who apparently ‘like to show off’.  But to me the problem is not the show-offs, but those who don’t know as much as they think they know. They pay too little attention to the theory, not too much. The girls and Shannon seem okay to me: it is those nerds who see everything as the product of randomness or a game of chance who are the problem.

If we compare the Slutsky Frisch model with Kuhn’s description of the development of science, then economics is assumed to develop in much the same way as normal science, but without ever undergoing anything like a (systemic) paradigm shift. Thus, while the model may be correct most of the time,  violations, such as in 2007/8, matter.

Attempts to fine-tune risk control may add to the probability of fat-tailed catastrophes. Constraining small bumps in the road may make a system, in particular a social system, more prone to systemic collapse. Why? Because if instead of being released in small bursts pressures are constrained and accumulate beneath the surface, they risk an eventual volcanic eruption.

 One can understand this reasoning by analogy with science: the more dominant a school which protects its core myths, the greater the reaction and impact when the myths are exposed. But in finance it may not be just ‘risk control’ that causes a problem. Any optimisation that is blind to the possibility of systemic change may tend to increase the chance of change (for good or ill) [E.g. Bohr Atomic Physics and Human Knowledge. Ox Bow Press 1958].

See Also

Previous posts on articles by or about Haldane, along similar lines:

My notes on:

Dave Marsay

Which Car?: a puzzle

Here’s a variation on some of my other uncertainty puzzles:

You are thinking of buying a new car. Your chosen model comes in a choice of red or silver. You are about to buy a red one when you learn that red car drivers have twice the accident rate of those who drive silver ones.

Should you switch, and why?

Dave Marsay

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.